Friday, April 27, 2012
Concept for the DDG 1000 Zumwalt Class Destroyers, courtesy of Bath Iron Works
The Zumwalt, taking shape at Bath Iron Works, is the biggest destroyer ever built for the U.S. Navy. DDG 1000 is the first of a new class of warships in the US Navy’s revolutionary vision for 21st Century surface combatant designs. The ship is designed as a multi-mission destroyer able to provide independent forward presence and deterrence. It’s also designed to operate as an integral part of a joint or multi-national naval task force. The primary mission emphasis is on land attack, maritime dominance and joint interoperability. This will enable the DDG 1000 to control the littoral battlespace and deliver more ordnance on target over a broader range of military objectives than any surface combatant ever put to sea.
Thursday, April 26, 2012
Leon E. Panetta, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil , Wednesday, April 25, 2012
It is a great privilege to be here in Rio de Janeiro during my first visit to Brazil, and my first trip to South America as the United States Secretary of Defense.
This city is known across the world for its beaches, its natural beauty, and its vibrant culture. I come from a coastal city in California with a Latin heritage. And as an Italian, I feel a very strong connection to this place and its people.
It is especially gratifying to be here at the Escola Superior de Guerra. I am proud of the support that the United States offered in helping to establish this school in 1949, and I am proud of the connections that have been built between this institution and the United States Department of Defense. I know the National Defense University in Washington is very much looking forward to hosting General Cherem next month, and to further enhancing our growing cooperation on professional military education.
This visit to Brazil is very meaningful to me because, like so many in the United States, I have long felt a special kinship for Brazil. It is a kinship borne out of the common values we share as two nations enriched by abundant natural resources, made strong by vibrant democratic institutions, and guided by a shared dream to forge a better world for our children.
Our nations have also been shaped by the common experiences of our diverse people – from our ancient indigenous cultures to the legacy of African slavery and European immigration.
My own story is in many ways the story of the United States of America, and in many ways it is the story of Brazil as well.
I am the son of Italian immigrants who left Italy in the 1930s to make a new life for themselves in the United States. Growing up, I would ask my father, "why would you travel those thousands of miles to a strange country?" They came from a poor area of Italy but they at least had the comfort of family. I'd ask him "Why would you pick up, leave your family and travel all that distance? " And I will never forget his response. He said, "because your mother and I believed that we could give our children a better life."
That conviction motivated millions of others to uproot their lives and set out for the New World. Millions came to the United States, and millions came to Brazil. Their story should remind us all how much the United States and Brazil share in common experiences and common interests – including our common interest in advancing peace and security in the 21st century.
This shared interest in peace and security is the foundation of the strong and vibrant partnership that the United States and Brazil are building together – a partnership whose goal is as simple as the immigrant dream of my parents: to give our children a better life.
Today I'd like to address the U.S.-Brazil defense relationship, because I believe we are at a critical point in the history of our two nations. We have before us a truly historic opportunity to build a closer defense partnership. A strategic partnership based on mutual interest and mutual respect. A partnership premised on our conviction that a strong and prosperous Brazil that takes its rightful place as a global leader will be a force for peace and a model for other nations in the 21st century.
This opportunity comes as the United States finds itself at a turning point after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, and against al-Qaeda and its militant allies. We have scored significant gains against al Qaeda, weakening its leadership and its ability to carry out attacks. We have brought the war in Iraq to a responsible conclusion. In Afghanistan, we have begun a transition to Afghan security responsibility and, despite challenges, our strategy is succeeding. The goal of a secure and sovereign Afghanistan that is not a safe haven for terrorists is within sight.
These transitions have allowed the United States to focus new energy on emerging opportunities and challenges across the globe – including here in the Western Hemisphere.
The international security challenges that confront us include transnational threats like violent extremism, the destabilizing behavior of nations like Iran and North Korea, military modernization across Asia-Pacific and turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa. At the same time, we are dealing with the changing nature of warfare, the proliferation of lethal weapons and materials, and the growing threat of cyber intrusion. And here in this hemisphere, we face illicit trafficking and natural disasters.
These challenges affect us all – our people, our economies and our future way of life. And the world is so deeply interconnected that they are truly beyond the ability of any one nation to resolve alone.
In the United States, we have put forward a new defense strategy that aims to meet these challenges, in large measure, by reinvigorating our defense and security partnerships across the globe.
Let me describe the key elements of this new strategy:
First, the U.S. military will become smaller and leaner as we draw down from the two wars, but its great strength will be that it is agile, flexible, rapidly deployable and technologically advanced.
Second, we will rebalance our global posture to emphasize Asia-Pacific and the Middle East, in recognition of the many challenges and opportunities in these regions.
Third, we will seek to reinvigorate our security relationships throughout the world by building innovative defense partnerships – particularly in Europe, Africa and here in the Western Hemisphere.
Fourth, we'll ensure that the United States military remains capable of confronting aggression and defeating any opponent anytime, anywhere.
Lastly, we'll prioritize and protect investments in new technologies such as intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, space, cyberspace, special operations and the capacity to quickly mobilize.
This new strategy recognizes that the United States remains a global power, but that more and more nations are making important contributions to global security. We welcome and encourage this new reality, because it makes the world safer and all of our nations stronger.
It is with this strategic outlook, and this belief in the possibilities of new partnership, that I have come to Brazil. Yesterday in Brasilia, Minister Amorim and I began a new dialogue directed by President Obama and President Rousseff when they met earlier this month in Washington.
This Defense Cooperation Dialogue has the potential to help transform U.S.-Brazil defense cooperation, because it provides a way for our two defense establishments to focus on areas where there is unfulfilled potential for our two countries to do much more together.
With Brazil taking its rightful place as a global leader, we recognize that the nature of our relationship in 2012 is and should be fundamentally different from what it was in 1824, when the United States was the first country to recognize an independent Brazil, or 1942, when Brazil made the decision to enter World War II alongside the United States and later became the only South American nation to send troops into battle during that war.
This is a relationship between two global powers, and we welcome Brazil's growing strength. We support Brazil as a global leader, and seek closer defense cooperation, because we believe that a stronger and more globally engaged Brazil will help enhance international security. With our deepening partnership, Brazil's strength is more than ever our strength.
We have already glimpsed some of the benefits in recent years as our defense relationship has moved steadily towards closer cooperation. Let me give you a few examples.
In the aftermath of the January 2010 earthquake in Haiti, thousands of U.S. and Brazilian military personnel worked side-by-side to provide emergency relief to the Haitian people. It was our countries' largest combined military operation since World War II.
Only a few months after the earthquake in Haiti, the United States and Brazil signed two important agreements to facilitate defense cooperation and the sharing of sensitive military information.
Our two militaries also have greatly expanded joint training and exercises. The United States military has been receiving more requests to participate in Brazilian-hosted military exercises and attend Brazilian military schools. For example, U.S. military personnel are once again training at the Brazilian Army's Instruction Center for Jungle Warfare. Our naval personnel are exercising together regularly, both near and far – from the shores of Rio de Janeiro to the Gulf of Guinea off the coast of Africa. And two years ago, the U.S. Air Force participated for the first time in the Brazilian Air Force's CRUZEX multinational air exercise. The U.S. Air Force looks forward to having Brazil participate in its RED FLAG exercise next year.
These are just a few examples of how much our cooperation has increased, made our militaries stronger and advanced regional and global security. I believe our defense relationship is now as strong as it has been at any point since World War II.
Still, I think we can all agree that there is much more we can do together, and that it is in all of our interests to pursue a shared vision of deeper defense cooperation that advances peace and security in the 21st century.
The dialogue Minister Amorim and I began yesterday, I believe, will lay the groundwork to deepen cooperation across a whole range of areas.
For example, both Brazil and the United States have outstanding, world-class scientific and research communities that would benefit from increased sharing of information and joint research in areas of defense. In the spirit of President Rousseff's "Science Without Borders" initiative, I would like to find a way for our defense institutions to improve cooperation on research through exchange programs between our scientific establishments and joint research projects.
Along those lines, I believe that cybersecurity holds great promise for increased cooperation. Cyber is in many ways the battlefield of the future. Both our nations have critical infrastructure that is targeted every day for intrusion and potential attack. For that reason, I believe both of our nations must leverage our extensive technical expertise and exchange more information on cyber policies, training and best practices.
Exchanges best practices on defense support for civil authorities could also be helpful as Brazil prepares to host the World Cup in 2014 and the Summer Olympics in 2016. I know the Brazilian people are very proud that their country will be hosting these important events, and I congratulate you on this achievement. The United States stands ready to share our own experiences and lessons learned in providing security for events of such global prominence.
Looking not only off the field but beyond our borders, there are even more opportunities to heighten defense collaboration and cooperation in areas of shared interest. For example, both of our nations have historic connections to Africa and have a strategic interest in stability on the continent. We should explore ways for our two militaries to work together to assist African militaries, such as by conducting combined exercises and other forms of training.
Another international challenge is the threat of natural disasters, and here the United States and Brazil could more closely cooperate to better respond when other countries – particularly in this hemisphere – call for international assistance in response to a major disaster.
As two economic powerhouses in the hemisphere, our two nations have built a flourishing trade relationship that includes extensive trade in the defense arena. But this too is an area ripe for growth. In particular, the United States seeks to increase high-tech defense trade, flowing in both directions between our two countries.
I know that United States export controls may have created an impression that we are trying to limit this trade, but let me assure you that the United States strongly supports the sharing of advanced technologies with Brazil. In fact, the U.S. government approves thousands of license requests each year involving the export of significant technology to Brazil – ranging from weapons and aircraft to integrated combat systems for Navy ships and submarines.
Denials of export licenses involving Brazil are very rare – averaging from zero to four cases per year, compared to thousands of approvals. This is on par with the U.S. Government's license approval rate for its Treaty Allies and closest partners.
Perhaps the most prominent example of our willingness to partner with Brazil on advanced defense technology is the United States government's offer to provide our Super Hornet fighter aircraft to the Brazilian Air Force. This offer, which has the strong support of the United States Congress, contains an unprecedented advanced technology sharing that is reserved for only our closest allies and partners.
But this offer is about much more than providing Brazil with the best fighter available. With the Super Hornet, Brazil's defense and aviation industries would be able to transform their partnerships with U.S. companies, and they would have the best opportunity to plug into worldwide markets.
We fully understand that Brazil is not looking just to be the purchaser of a fighter aircraft, but rather a full-fledged partner in the development of cutting-edge aviation technology. We share that goal, and I am hopeful that the Brazilian government will ultimately choose to purchase the Super Hornet for its Air Force's next generation fighter.
We have put forward a very strong offer. It is an offer that reflects how important this partnership is to the United States.
From deepening scientific exchanges and defense trade to developing a common approach to meeting international security challenges in this Hemisphere and beyond, I will come away from my visit to Brazil deeply optimistic in the future of this defense relationship, and looking forward to hosting Minister Amorim at the next dialogue in Washington.
We won't agree on every matter – no two countries, not even the closest allies, ever do. But I do believe that our common interests are so great, and the possibilities that come from our cooperation are so tangible, that we must seize this opportunity to build a stronger defense partnership for the future.
Let me close by telling you about U.S. Army Sergeant Felipe Pereira, a 28-year old Brazilian who moved to America at the age of 17 to learn English at a Nebraska college and now serves as a squad leader in the storied 101st Airborne Division.
Sergeant Pereira earlier this month was awarded one of our military's highest decorations, the Distinguished Service Cross, for extraordinary valor on the battlefield in Kandahar, Afghanistan. In the aftermath of a roadside bomb detonation that killed two of his teammates, Sergeant Pereira drove into enemy fire to evacuate wounded soldiers even though he was wounded himself.
His actions saved the lives of at least two others, and they reflect extraordinary bravery and courage. They are a tribute to him, they are a tribute to his Brazilian heritage, and they are a tribute to the close ties of family and affection that bind our two great nations together.
May his example guide all of us to fight together for a better life for our children, and for a peaceful and more secure world for both our nations in the 21st century.
Thank you.
It is a great privilege to be here in Rio de Janeiro during my first visit to Brazil, and my first trip to South America as the United States Secretary of Defense.
This city is known across the world for its beaches, its natural beauty, and its vibrant culture. I come from a coastal city in California with a Latin heritage. And as an Italian, I feel a very strong connection to this place and its people.
It is especially gratifying to be here at the Escola Superior de Guerra. I am proud of the support that the United States offered in helping to establish this school in 1949, and I am proud of the connections that have been built between this institution and the United States Department of Defense. I know the National Defense University in Washington is very much looking forward to hosting General Cherem next month, and to further enhancing our growing cooperation on professional military education.
This visit to Brazil is very meaningful to me because, like so many in the United States, I have long felt a special kinship for Brazil. It is a kinship borne out of the common values we share as two nations enriched by abundant natural resources, made strong by vibrant democratic institutions, and guided by a shared dream to forge a better world for our children.
Our nations have also been shaped by the common experiences of our diverse people – from our ancient indigenous cultures to the legacy of African slavery and European immigration.
My own story is in many ways the story of the United States of America, and in many ways it is the story of Brazil as well.
I am the son of Italian immigrants who left Italy in the 1930s to make a new life for themselves in the United States. Growing up, I would ask my father, "why would you travel those thousands of miles to a strange country?" They came from a poor area of Italy but they at least had the comfort of family. I'd ask him "Why would you pick up, leave your family and travel all that distance? " And I will never forget his response. He said, "because your mother and I believed that we could give our children a better life."
That conviction motivated millions of others to uproot their lives and set out for the New World. Millions came to the United States, and millions came to Brazil. Their story should remind us all how much the United States and Brazil share in common experiences and common interests – including our common interest in advancing peace and security in the 21st century.
This shared interest in peace and security is the foundation of the strong and vibrant partnership that the United States and Brazil are building together – a partnership whose goal is as simple as the immigrant dream of my parents: to give our children a better life.
Today I'd like to address the U.S.-Brazil defense relationship, because I believe we are at a critical point in the history of our two nations. We have before us a truly historic opportunity to build a closer defense partnership. A strategic partnership based on mutual interest and mutual respect. A partnership premised on our conviction that a strong and prosperous Brazil that takes its rightful place as a global leader will be a force for peace and a model for other nations in the 21st century.
This opportunity comes as the United States finds itself at a turning point after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, and against al-Qaeda and its militant allies. We have scored significant gains against al Qaeda, weakening its leadership and its ability to carry out attacks. We have brought the war in Iraq to a responsible conclusion. In Afghanistan, we have begun a transition to Afghan security responsibility and, despite challenges, our strategy is succeeding. The goal of a secure and sovereign Afghanistan that is not a safe haven for terrorists is within sight.
These transitions have allowed the United States to focus new energy on emerging opportunities and challenges across the globe – including here in the Western Hemisphere.
The international security challenges that confront us include transnational threats like violent extremism, the destabilizing behavior of nations like Iran and North Korea, military modernization across Asia-Pacific and turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa. At the same time, we are dealing with the changing nature of warfare, the proliferation of lethal weapons and materials, and the growing threat of cyber intrusion. And here in this hemisphere, we face illicit trafficking and natural disasters.
These challenges affect us all – our people, our economies and our future way of life. And the world is so deeply interconnected that they are truly beyond the ability of any one nation to resolve alone.
In the United States, we have put forward a new defense strategy that aims to meet these challenges, in large measure, by reinvigorating our defense and security partnerships across the globe.
Let me describe the key elements of this new strategy:
First, the U.S. military will become smaller and leaner as we draw down from the two wars, but its great strength will be that it is agile, flexible, rapidly deployable and technologically advanced.
Second, we will rebalance our global posture to emphasize Asia-Pacific and the Middle East, in recognition of the many challenges and opportunities in these regions.
Third, we will seek to reinvigorate our security relationships throughout the world by building innovative defense partnerships – particularly in Europe, Africa and here in the Western Hemisphere.
Fourth, we'll ensure that the United States military remains capable of confronting aggression and defeating any opponent anytime, anywhere.
Lastly, we'll prioritize and protect investments in new technologies such as intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, space, cyberspace, special operations and the capacity to quickly mobilize.
This new strategy recognizes that the United States remains a global power, but that more and more nations are making important contributions to global security. We welcome and encourage this new reality, because it makes the world safer and all of our nations stronger.
It is with this strategic outlook, and this belief in the possibilities of new partnership, that I have come to Brazil. Yesterday in Brasilia, Minister Amorim and I began a new dialogue directed by President Obama and President Rousseff when they met earlier this month in Washington.
This Defense Cooperation Dialogue has the potential to help transform U.S.-Brazil defense cooperation, because it provides a way for our two defense establishments to focus on areas where there is unfulfilled potential for our two countries to do much more together.
With Brazil taking its rightful place as a global leader, we recognize that the nature of our relationship in 2012 is and should be fundamentally different from what it was in 1824, when the United States was the first country to recognize an independent Brazil, or 1942, when Brazil made the decision to enter World War II alongside the United States and later became the only South American nation to send troops into battle during that war.
This is a relationship between two global powers, and we welcome Brazil's growing strength. We support Brazil as a global leader, and seek closer defense cooperation, because we believe that a stronger and more globally engaged Brazil will help enhance international security. With our deepening partnership, Brazil's strength is more than ever our strength.
We have already glimpsed some of the benefits in recent years as our defense relationship has moved steadily towards closer cooperation. Let me give you a few examples.
In the aftermath of the January 2010 earthquake in Haiti, thousands of U.S. and Brazilian military personnel worked side-by-side to provide emergency relief to the Haitian people. It was our countries' largest combined military operation since World War II.
Only a few months after the earthquake in Haiti, the United States and Brazil signed two important agreements to facilitate defense cooperation and the sharing of sensitive military information.
Our two militaries also have greatly expanded joint training and exercises. The United States military has been receiving more requests to participate in Brazilian-hosted military exercises and attend Brazilian military schools. For example, U.S. military personnel are once again training at the Brazilian Army's Instruction Center for Jungle Warfare. Our naval personnel are exercising together regularly, both near and far – from the shores of Rio de Janeiro to the Gulf of Guinea off the coast of Africa. And two years ago, the U.S. Air Force participated for the first time in the Brazilian Air Force's CRUZEX multinational air exercise. The U.S. Air Force looks forward to having Brazil participate in its RED FLAG exercise next year.
These are just a few examples of how much our cooperation has increased, made our militaries stronger and advanced regional and global security. I believe our defense relationship is now as strong as it has been at any point since World War II.
Still, I think we can all agree that there is much more we can do together, and that it is in all of our interests to pursue a shared vision of deeper defense cooperation that advances peace and security in the 21st century.
The dialogue Minister Amorim and I began yesterday, I believe, will lay the groundwork to deepen cooperation across a whole range of areas.
For example, both Brazil and the United States have outstanding, world-class scientific and research communities that would benefit from increased sharing of information and joint research in areas of defense. In the spirit of President Rousseff's "Science Without Borders" initiative, I would like to find a way for our defense institutions to improve cooperation on research through exchange programs between our scientific establishments and joint research projects.
Along those lines, I believe that cybersecurity holds great promise for increased cooperation. Cyber is in many ways the battlefield of the future. Both our nations have critical infrastructure that is targeted every day for intrusion and potential attack. For that reason, I believe both of our nations must leverage our extensive technical expertise and exchange more information on cyber policies, training and best practices.
Exchanges best practices on defense support for civil authorities could also be helpful as Brazil prepares to host the World Cup in 2014 and the Summer Olympics in 2016. I know the Brazilian people are very proud that their country will be hosting these important events, and I congratulate you on this achievement. The United States stands ready to share our own experiences and lessons learned in providing security for events of such global prominence.
Looking not only off the field but beyond our borders, there are even more opportunities to heighten defense collaboration and cooperation in areas of shared interest. For example, both of our nations have historic connections to Africa and have a strategic interest in stability on the continent. We should explore ways for our two militaries to work together to assist African militaries, such as by conducting combined exercises and other forms of training.
Another international challenge is the threat of natural disasters, and here the United States and Brazil could more closely cooperate to better respond when other countries – particularly in this hemisphere – call for international assistance in response to a major disaster.
As two economic powerhouses in the hemisphere, our two nations have built a flourishing trade relationship that includes extensive trade in the defense arena. But this too is an area ripe for growth. In particular, the United States seeks to increase high-tech defense trade, flowing in both directions between our two countries.
I know that United States export controls may have created an impression that we are trying to limit this trade, but let me assure you that the United States strongly supports the sharing of advanced technologies with Brazil. In fact, the U.S. government approves thousands of license requests each year involving the export of significant technology to Brazil – ranging from weapons and aircraft to integrated combat systems for Navy ships and submarines.
Denials of export licenses involving Brazil are very rare – averaging from zero to four cases per year, compared to thousands of approvals. This is on par with the U.S. Government's license approval rate for its Treaty Allies and closest partners.
Perhaps the most prominent example of our willingness to partner with Brazil on advanced defense technology is the United States government's offer to provide our Super Hornet fighter aircraft to the Brazilian Air Force. This offer, which has the strong support of the United States Congress, contains an unprecedented advanced technology sharing that is reserved for only our closest allies and partners.
But this offer is about much more than providing Brazil with the best fighter available. With the Super Hornet, Brazil's defense and aviation industries would be able to transform their partnerships with U.S. companies, and they would have the best opportunity to plug into worldwide markets.
We fully understand that Brazil is not looking just to be the purchaser of a fighter aircraft, but rather a full-fledged partner in the development of cutting-edge aviation technology. We share that goal, and I am hopeful that the Brazilian government will ultimately choose to purchase the Super Hornet for its Air Force's next generation fighter.
We have put forward a very strong offer. It is an offer that reflects how important this partnership is to the United States.
From deepening scientific exchanges and defense trade to developing a common approach to meeting international security challenges in this Hemisphere and beyond, I will come away from my visit to Brazil deeply optimistic in the future of this defense relationship, and looking forward to hosting Minister Amorim at the next dialogue in Washington.
We won't agree on every matter – no two countries, not even the closest allies, ever do. But I do believe that our common interests are so great, and the possibilities that come from our cooperation are so tangible, that we must seize this opportunity to build a stronger defense partnership for the future.
Let me close by telling you about U.S. Army Sergeant Felipe Pereira, a 28-year old Brazilian who moved to America at the age of 17 to learn English at a Nebraska college and now serves as a squad leader in the storied 101st Airborne Division.
Sergeant Pereira earlier this month was awarded one of our military's highest decorations, the Distinguished Service Cross, for extraordinary valor on the battlefield in Kandahar, Afghanistan. In the aftermath of a roadside bomb detonation that killed two of his teammates, Sergeant Pereira drove into enemy fire to evacuate wounded soldiers even though he was wounded himself.
His actions saved the lives of at least two others, and they reflect extraordinary bravery and courage. They are a tribute to him, they are a tribute to his Brazilian heritage, and they are a tribute to the close ties of family and affection that bind our two great nations together.
May his example guide all of us to fight together for a better life for our children, and for a peaceful and more secure world for both our nations in the 21st century.
Thank you.
Wednesday, April 25, 2012
U.S. Department of Defense Armed with Science Update
U.S. Department of Defense Armed with Science UpdateSatellite Sight For the Frontlines
Image is everything. In the case of military members on the front lines, quick, reliable satellite images are important, but unfortunately not always easy to come by. Today, the lowest echelon members of the U.S. military deployed in remote overseas locations are unable to obtain on-demand satellite imagery in a timely and persistent manner for [...]
Image is everything. In the case of military members on the front lines, quick, reliable satellite images are important, but unfortunately not always easy to come by. Today, the lowest echelon members of the U.S. military deployed in remote overseas locations are unable to obtain on-demand satellite imagery in a timely and persistent manner for [...]
Tuesday, April 24, 2012
Monday, April 23, 2012
Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense
Speech
On the Web:
http://www.defense.gov/Speeches/Speech.aspx?SpeechID=1663
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Statement on Syria before the House Armed Services Committee
As Delivered by Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta, Washington D.C., Thursday, April 19, 2012
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Chairman McKeon and Representative Smith, thank you for the opportunity to discuss the tense and fluid situation in Syria.
Widespread demands for political change in Syria started more than a year ago. Rather than meeting these legitimate demands, the regime of Bashar al-Assad turned instead to violence against its own people. That violence has been brutal and devastating. It has put the Syrian people in a desperate and difficult situation. It has outraged the conscience of all good people. And it has threatened stability in a very important part of the world.
The United States has made clear that the Assad regime has lost its legitimacy and that this crisis has no effective solution without Assad’s departure. As the President has stated, Assad must go.
Recent days are testing whether the Assad regime will live up to all of its responsibilities to the Syrian people and to the international community. Restoring calm to cities and towns across Syria is just one test for Assad in the days ahead. Assad is responsible for fully abiding by the transition plan outlined by Joint Special Envoy Kofi Annan. He also faces deep skepticism about his motives, a skepticism based on a long train of Assad’s deceitful actions to date, including broken promises to his own people and to the international community.
The United States is committed to holding the Syrian regime to these obligations. We are leading international efforts to help stop the violence and support a peaceful political transition in Syria.
We know achieving that end is a tough task. From every angle the situation in Syria is enormously complex. There is no silver bullet. At the same time, the situation is of grave consequence to the Syrian people. There are many others who are affected by what happens in Syria, including Syria’s neighbors – Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq, Israel, and Jordan – and all nations with a vital interest in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Iran is Syria’s only ally in the region. No other country stands to lose more than Iran from the eventual fall of the Assad regime, which is why Iran is supporting the regime with material, financial and technical assistance.
We also know that the complex problems in Syria cannot all be solved through the unilateral actions of the United States or any other country. They demand a coordinated international response that is uniquely tailored to the situation.
There are, however, certain principles that have guided the Administration’s response to unrest across the Middle East. These basic principles have shaped our responses in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and now Syria: first, we oppose the use of violence and repression by regimes against their own people; second, we support the exercise of universal human rights; and third, we support political and economic reforms that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
Our policy toward Syria is clear: we support a political and democratic transition that fulfills the Syrian people’s aspirations. To support that objective, the United States is leading international efforts along five tracks:
First, we are supporting efforts to maintain international pressure and advance transition in Syria. We join with our partners in the United Nations Security Council, including Russia and China, in calling for the urgent, comprehensive, and immediate implementation of all aspects of the Annan plan.
Second, we are further isolating the Assad regime. We are encouraging other countries to join the United States, the European Union, and the Arab League in imposing strong sanctions against it. These sanctions are putting Assad under greater pressure than ever before;
Third, we are strengthening and unifying the non-violent political opposition in Syria. The United States is in the process of providing direct non-lethal support, including communications and medical equipment, to the civilian-led opposition. We are taking these actions in concert with similar steps taken by the Friends of Syria and other international partners to assist the opposition;
Fourth, we are providing emergency humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people, and we are working to broaden our efforts at relief, with a total commitment so far of $25 million; and
Fifth, we are reviewing and planning for a range of additional measures that may be necessary to protect the Syrian people.
By acting along these lines, we are increasing pressure on the Assad regime every day. Make no mistake – one way or another, this regime ultimately will meet its end.
There are legitimate questions about what steps are necessary to achieve this end, with some arguing for an approach similar to the one we took in Libya.
The fact is that our recent experience in Libya is helping to inform the approach of the United States to Syria:
First, our efforts are strengthened by multi-lateral, international consensus;
Second, we should maintain clear regional support from the Arab world;
Third, we should offer substantial U.S. contributions where we can bring unique resources to bear;
Fourth, we should have a clear legal basis for our approach;
Fifth, and finally, our approach must keep all options on the table, while recognizing the limitations of military force.
But the situation in Syria is different from the one in Libya in important ways:
In Libya, there was widespread international support in the Arab world and elsewhere, and clear Security Council authorization, for military intervention. No such consensus currently exists regarding Syria;
The opposition is not as well organized and does not control territory;
We must also be mindful, as Secretary Clinton has noted, of the possibility that outside military intervention will make a volatile situation even worse, and place even more innocent civilians at risk.
The United States has made clear that we are on the side of the Syrian people. They must know that the international community has not underestimated either their suffering or their impatience. The Defense Department has reviewed and is continuing to plan for a variety of possible scenarios should the President determine that further steps are necessary. In the meantime, our only clear path is to keep moving diplomatically in a resolute and deliberate manner with the international community to find a way to return Syria to the Syrian people.
Thank you.
Speech
On the Web:
http://www.defense.gov/Speeches/Speech.aspx?SpeechID=1663
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Statement on Syria before the House Armed Services Committee
As Delivered by Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta, Washington D.C., Thursday, April 19, 2012
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Chairman McKeon and Representative Smith, thank you for the opportunity to discuss the tense and fluid situation in Syria.
Widespread demands for political change in Syria started more than a year ago. Rather than meeting these legitimate demands, the regime of Bashar al-Assad turned instead to violence against its own people. That violence has been brutal and devastating. It has put the Syrian people in a desperate and difficult situation. It has outraged the conscience of all good people. And it has threatened stability in a very important part of the world.
The United States has made clear that the Assad regime has lost its legitimacy and that this crisis has no effective solution without Assad’s departure. As the President has stated, Assad must go.
Recent days are testing whether the Assad regime will live up to all of its responsibilities to the Syrian people and to the international community. Restoring calm to cities and towns across Syria is just one test for Assad in the days ahead. Assad is responsible for fully abiding by the transition plan outlined by Joint Special Envoy Kofi Annan. He also faces deep skepticism about his motives, a skepticism based on a long train of Assad’s deceitful actions to date, including broken promises to his own people and to the international community.
The United States is committed to holding the Syrian regime to these obligations. We are leading international efforts to help stop the violence and support a peaceful political transition in Syria.
We know achieving that end is a tough task. From every angle the situation in Syria is enormously complex. There is no silver bullet. At the same time, the situation is of grave consequence to the Syrian people. There are many others who are affected by what happens in Syria, including Syria’s neighbors – Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq, Israel, and Jordan – and all nations with a vital interest in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Iran is Syria’s only ally in the region. No other country stands to lose more than Iran from the eventual fall of the Assad regime, which is why Iran is supporting the regime with material, financial and technical assistance.
We also know that the complex problems in Syria cannot all be solved through the unilateral actions of the United States or any other country. They demand a coordinated international response that is uniquely tailored to the situation.
There are, however, certain principles that have guided the Administration’s response to unrest across the Middle East. These basic principles have shaped our responses in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and now Syria: first, we oppose the use of violence and repression by regimes against their own people; second, we support the exercise of universal human rights; and third, we support political and economic reforms that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
Our policy toward Syria is clear: we support a political and democratic transition that fulfills the Syrian people’s aspirations. To support that objective, the United States is leading international efforts along five tracks:
First, we are supporting efforts to maintain international pressure and advance transition in Syria. We join with our partners in the United Nations Security Council, including Russia and China, in calling for the urgent, comprehensive, and immediate implementation of all aspects of the Annan plan.
Second, we are further isolating the Assad regime. We are encouraging other countries to join the United States, the European Union, and the Arab League in imposing strong sanctions against it. These sanctions are putting Assad under greater pressure than ever before;
Third, we are strengthening and unifying the non-violent political opposition in Syria. The United States is in the process of providing direct non-lethal support, including communications and medical equipment, to the civilian-led opposition. We are taking these actions in concert with similar steps taken by the Friends of Syria and other international partners to assist the opposition;
Fourth, we are providing emergency humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people, and we are working to broaden our efforts at relief, with a total commitment so far of $25 million; and
Fifth, we are reviewing and planning for a range of additional measures that may be necessary to protect the Syrian people.
By acting along these lines, we are increasing pressure on the Assad regime every day. Make no mistake – one way or another, this regime ultimately will meet its end.
There are legitimate questions about what steps are necessary to achieve this end, with some arguing for an approach similar to the one we took in Libya.
The fact is that our recent experience in Libya is helping to inform the approach of the United States to Syria:
First, our efforts are strengthened by multi-lateral, international consensus;
Second, we should maintain clear regional support from the Arab world;
Third, we should offer substantial U.S. contributions where we can bring unique resources to bear;
Fourth, we should have a clear legal basis for our approach;
Fifth, and finally, our approach must keep all options on the table, while recognizing the limitations of military force.
But the situation in Syria is different from the one in Libya in important ways:
In Libya, there was widespread international support in the Arab world and elsewhere, and clear Security Council authorization, for military intervention. No such consensus currently exists regarding Syria;
The opposition is not as well organized and does not control territory;
We must also be mindful, as Secretary Clinton has noted, of the possibility that outside military intervention will make a volatile situation even worse, and place even more innocent civilians at risk.
The United States has made clear that we are on the side of the Syrian people. They must know that the international community has not underestimated either their suffering or their impatience. The Defense Department has reviewed and is continuing to plan for a variety of possible scenarios should the President determine that further steps are necessary. In the meantime, our only clear path is to keep moving diplomatically in a resolute and deliberate manner with the international community to find a way to return Syria to the Syrian people.
Thank you.
Thursday, April 19, 2012
NASA
04/18/2012 06:47 AM CDT
A key NASA instrument that can directly measure the impact of solar events on the Earth’s upper atmosphere has weighed in on the huge flare that impacted Earth recently. The flare was considered one of the largest solar events in years even though its impact on the power grid and communications was minimal due to [...]
Wednesday, April 18, 2012
Monday, April 16, 2012
Measuring Arctic Scientists from the U.S. Naval Research Laboratory Marine Geosciences Division are assisting NASA, the US Army Cold Regions Research and Engineering Laboratory (CRREL) and the European Space Agency (ESA) in developing more accurate monitoring and sustainable forecasting of Arctic sea ice. Recent dramatic changes in the characteristics of the Arctic sea ice cover have sparked interest and concern from a wide range [...]
Saturday, April 14, 2012
The Strength of Titanium From the Office of Naval Research Steel may have met its match. An Office of Naval Research (ONR)-funded project will produce a full-size ship hull section made entirely with marine grade titanium using a welding innovation that could help bring titanium into future Navy ship construction. The contractor team building this section recently completed the [...]
Thursday, April 12, 2012
From www.launch.org The goal of the LAUNCH: Beyond Waste Challenge is to identify ten “game changing” innovations that have the potential to transform the current waste management systems and practices to ones focused on minimizing waste and/or transforming waste into new products. LAUNCH invites proposals for innovative design for zero waste solutions, waste elimination, waste transformation,
Wednesday, April 11, 2012
Engineers Tackle Noise at Hydroelectric Office of Naval Research Using research designed to protect warfighters from noise-induced hearing loss in the naval environment, the Office of Naval Research has joined the Bureau of Reclamation and U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to turn down the volume at the nation’s power plants. ONR will lend its extensive expertise in noise-induced hearing loss
Monday, April 9, 2012
04/08/2012 06:06 AM CDT
Photo slideshow by Ian Graham Photo montage depicting the Laboratory for Autonomous Systems Research (LASR), a part of the Naval Research Laboratory, where they’re working toward creating viable solutions for problems service members might actually face. One of these is Damage Control for the 21st Century—a program to develop firefighting robots for use aboard Navy [...]
Saturday, April 7, 2012
Wednesday, April 4, 2012
Tuesday, April 3, 2012
Date: 04/02/2012Subject: U.S. Department of Defense Armed with Science . 21st Century Damage Control: Robots vs. Fire04/02/2012 01:59 PM CDT
We just returned from a demonstration and tour of the U.S. Navy Research Laboratory’s Laboratory for Autonomous Systems Research (LASR, for short) — in layman’s terms, the NRL’s robotics lab. realistic climate testing environments to autonomous UAV flight testing,
We just returned from a demonstration and tour of the U.S. Navy Research Laboratory’s Laboratory for Autonomous Systems Research (LASR, for short) — in layman’s terms, the NRL’s robotics lab. realistic climate testing environments to autonomous UAV flight testing,
Monday, April 2, 2012
Message 1From: U.S. Department of Defense <govdelivery@subscriptions.dod.mil>Date: 03/30/2012Subject: U.S. Department of Defense Armed with Science UpdateYou are subscribed to Armed with Science for U.S. Department of Defense. This information has recently been updated, and is now available. Navy’s First Alternative Fueling Station Open in Hawaii03/30/2012 07:00 AM CDT
Eisenhower AwardAs Delivered by Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta, Washington, D.C., Thursday, March 29, 2012
Well, thank you very much. I'm very honored. For those of us who have dedicated our lives to public service—this is really a lesson for the Presidential Fellows—let me tell you something, you're not going to make a hell of a lot of money and you're going to endure a great many challenges and pain in public service. But there's one great reward for public service. The reward is that if you can make the lives of your children a little better for the future, then that makes it all worthwhile. To be able to receive this kind of honor also makes it very worthwhile because it is a recognition that in the end, the work that you do and the struggle you endure through thick and thin is worthwhile. A young President said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your nation." And in many ways I think Dwight Eisenhower and this award recognizes that your dedication to public service and making the lives of our children better in the future is what America needs to be all about: you need to give something back to this country and to recognize that all of us have a duty to give back to a country that has given us so much.To, Togo thank you very much, and thank you for your commitment to public service and our veterans. I had the honor of serving with Togo in the Clinton administration when I was Chief of Staff to the President. I had the greatest respect for his service as the Secretary of the Army and as Secretary of Veterans' Affairs. In my current capacity as Secretary, I have even greater respect for his contribution to the country.I'd also like to thank David Abshire for putting this evening together. David, your leadership is absolutely spectacular. What you've done for the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress is a reflection of your love for the country and of your dedication to what this nation needs for the future. What greater expression of that love is there than the work of this center. I had the pleasure of meeting with the Center's Presidential Fellows before dinner. I enjoyed the opportunity to hear the dedication that they have to the work that they do and the nation. I commend your long and distinguished commitment to public service and it's reflected in the young people and in the Center. It is encouraging today to look at these people and know that someday the country will be in their hands.I had the opportunity to briefly co-chair a study at the Center on "Strengthening America's Future" and as fate would have it, I was asked by President Obama to "strengthen America's future" by becoming the Director of the CIA. And with great respect to the Center, I don't think they would have handled the operation against Osama bin Laden as effectively as the CIA did.I also want to thank my friend David Gergen for acting as the master of ceremonies tonight. David and I both worked in the Nixon Administration. I got fired. David wasn't so lucky. Both of us have seen a lot through our long careers – both good and bad – but neither of us have lost our commitment to a democracy that represents the best hope for our people. The goal of public service is public service – trying to improve the lives of our citizens. David understands that – and his forthright and honest advice to Presidents both Republican and Democrat – often collided with politics and political advisors, but not with good policy and good government.And I also want to pay tribute to Stanley Sachs, who also helped put this dinner together and for the generosity of the other donors as well. Cardinal McCarrick, I'm honored by your presence, and I have always appreciated your spiritual leadership over all the years I've been in this town.It's great to see so many other friends here this evening as well. In the 40 years that I've been in and out of Washington, I really treasure the friendships that I've made throughout those years. When I spoke to the Gridiron Dinner the other night, I told them I was honored to be at the fourth largest gathering of the veterans of the Spanish-American War. In some ways, that applies to this group. When I say, "Remember the Maine!" some of you really do.Nights like tonight remind me that many of us have been here long enough to remember when Republicans and Democrats actually worked together... I remember when Mike Mansfield and Everett Dirksen would have coffee together every morning, play golf together and work on the tough issues that faced the country. They worked together because they believed that compromise was not a dirty word, but it was how you governed the country. They worked together because they were willing to take the risks needed to solve problems. The budget was balanced because of that leadership, and governing was considered good politics, because it was. It is a sad commentary that we come together at a time when partisanship appears to be more important than statesmanship. When politics is more important than policy. When sound bites are more important than solutions. President Eisenhower would have lamented the state of the nation. Yet tonight, we celebrate him and the enduring American spirit he represents because he was always about mission and about getting the job done. And he was always about dedicating everything he did to protecting this country and improving the lives of our children for the future.It is an honor to be associated with the legacy of Dwight David Eisenhower through this award. I had the chance to meet him personally over 40 years ago at Gettysburg. For me, a former officer in the Army, it was an inspiration I'll never forget, to be able to meet one of my heroes. For those who visit my office in the Pentagon, General Eisenhower's portrait hangs above my desk and alongside it is a portrait of General George Marshall. When faced with a tough decision I can look up at him and say, "So, what the hell would you do, Ike?" The problem is, with the exception of a few nights after a scotch, he never talks back. Yet, even if I can't summon Eisenhower's ghost, I've at least been able to draw some lessons from Eisenhower's life of service and his presidency, particularly on the importance of statesmanship, of long-term strategic planning and of leadership in war and politics. He understood the importance of trust, of listening, of working with brilliant egos to capture their best thoughts and reject their worst instincts. Eisenhower's wartime experience had taught him that long-term planning was difficult to maintain because the pace of daily operations and erupting crises competed for time and attention. But careful planning was essential to successful operations. When Eisenhower assumed the Presidency, he took the lessons of war and set out to craft a long-term defense strategy for peace. Eisenhower's "Project Solarium" assembled teams of advisers to explore competing ideas and contrarian viewpoints. He wanted the existing national security policy to be challenged on its most basic assumptions. And he gave the teams a short deadline – just three months to do their work. The result of the exercise was Eisenhower's "New Look" strategy. It was a truly long-term strategy that recognized the Cold War would be a prolonged contest of competitive advantage, but one that America would eventually win. It was not perfect – no strategy is – but it was the product of genuine debate and an effort to forge consensus across the national security apparatus. As a biography I'm reading about Eisenhower explains, the new strategy embodied the essential aspects of his leadership: "compromise, patience, and conviction that time was on America's side."Eisenhower's legacy remains valuable and instructive today, because there is no question that our nation is at a strategic turning point as we wind down two wars that have consumed our military for the past decade. Even as those wars recede, we are confronted with a range of threats as complex as any this nation has faced throughout its history. We are still at war in Afghanistan, although 2011 was a turning point and thanks to John Allen we are putting a strategy in place, we will continue to face challenges there. Al Qaeda and the threat of terrorism remains real. Although its top leadership have been decimated, but terrorist groups still aim to do us harm, and they are still there, from Yemen, to Somalia, to North Africa. We face rogue nations such as Iran and North Korea who threaten global stability. There is continuing turmoil and unrest in the Middle East. We are challenged by rising powers in Asia. And new weapons, such as cyber, will change how wars are fought in the future. Cyber represents the kind of silent attack that can take down our power grid, our financial system, our governmental system, and cripple this nation.So at the same time we are facing these myriad threats, we are facing another national security threat, the long-term debt and high deficits. Congress has failed to enact a kind of comprehensive plan that is essential to addressing this kind of debt. They did, however, address the one third of the budget called discretionary spending and have promised to reduce it by over 900 billion over the next ten years. As a result, we have been required by Congress to reduce the defense budget by half a trillion dollars over the next decade. As painful as the reductions are, the Department of Defense must do its part to help America put its fiscal house in order. We do not have to choose between national security and fiscal responsibility. That's because I agree with what President Eisenhower said in his first State of the Union: "To amass military power without regard to economic capacity would be to defend ourselves against one kind of disaster by inviting another." In order to avoid either of these outcomes, and instead lay the foundation for America's continued global leadership, we have spent much of the last year at the Pentagon crafting a new defense strategy for the long-haul. In doing so, the entire leadership of the Department – the service chiefs, service secretaries, combatant commanders, and the President himself, all working together, to build the force America will need not just for today, but for tomorrow – a force for the 21st century.Our approach has been to take this fiscal crisis as an opportunity to think about how to better meet the security challenges this new century. The strategy that we have developed for the future envisions a force that is smaller and is leaner, but its great strength is that it will be agile, technologically advanced and flexible enough to confront a range of adversaries. It will be able to confront aggression anytime, anyplace.Crafting this strategy, and building this force, while meeting mandated savings targets, has required that we make tradeoffs and put our long-term interests ahead of short-term political pressures. I cannot cut the defense budget by half a trillion dollars and not have it involve pain.But that's the nature of governing. One thing that I've learned over my career is that governing requires people coming together to get things done, not to pound their fists on the table and not stand in the way, but to get the job done. Frankly, one of my greatest concerns as Secretary is the dysfunction in Washington. It threatens our security and raises questions about the capacity of our democracy to respond to crisis. But dysfunction is a political crutch – it is not a part of the American spirit.The strategy and the defense budget we have developed shows that it's still possible to forge consensus and take the long-term view at the highest levels of government. We have presented this strategy and budget to Congress. My hope is that they will work with us to implement it and ensure that we have the strong military this country needs for the future. And we cannot allow, and I'm sure that we will prevent sequestration from happening. It would double the amount of cuts, hollow out the force, and devastate our national defense. Congress needs to listen to the lessons from Eisenhower. One other important lesson we should learn from Ike is very clear: the service and sacrifice of a single generation can leave all of us a better life. We saw that after World War II with the greatest generation. It is a legacy proudly carried on by a next greatest generation of Americans who have volunteered to be sent to faraway battlefields over the last ten years. These are men and women who are willing to put their lives on the line every day. To fight, and yes, to die if necessary for their country. Surely, if this next greatest generation is willing to take the risks necessary to keep America safe, our political leadership should be willing to take the risks necessary to solve the problems facing this nation.I recently returned from Afghanistan where I visited with our troops. I was struck by how even in a tough situation, those dedicated young men and women remain intently focused on the long-term mission. Violence is down. The Taliban have been weakened. The Afghan Army is fighting alongside U.S. and ISAF forces. The transition of areas to Afghan control and security is working. We cannot allow the outrages of war to undermine the effective strategy that General Allen and his forces have put in place. The American people are tired of war, just as the Afghan people are tired of war. That is understandable, but we must summon the will to see this strategy through to success, remembering what Eisenhower once said: "Without American leadership in the search, the pursuit of a just and enduing peace is hopeless. Nowhere in the world – outside this land – is there the richness of resources, stamina, and will needed to lead what at times may be a costly and exhausting effort."Over a decade of conflict, we have been tested by tragedies, setbacks, and the hell of war itself. In the days ahead, we will be tested again and again. But we can't lose sight of why we fight – to defend our country and ensure that we will never be attacked as we were on 9/11. But most importantly, to give our children a better life.With Cardinal McCarrick and Rabbi Haberman in the audience, I'm reminded of a story I often tell of a rabbi and a priest who decided they would get to know each other better.So, one evening, they went to a boxing match, thinking that if they went to events together, they would discuss each other's religion. And just before the bell rang, one of the boxers made the sign of the cross, and the rabbi nudged the priest and said, "What does that mean?" The priest said, "It doesn't mean a damn thing if he can't fight." We bless ourselves with the hope that everything is going to be fine in this country. But very frankly, it doesn't mean a damn thing unless we are willing to fight for it, to fight for the American dream of a better life, to fight for a government of, by and for the people.Thank you, may God bless our great military, may God bless all of you, and may God bless America.
Eisenhower AwardAs Delivered by Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta, Washington, D.C., Thursday, March 29, 2012
Well, thank you very much. I'm very honored. For those of us who have dedicated our lives to public service—this is really a lesson for the Presidential Fellows—let me tell you something, you're not going to make a hell of a lot of money and you're going to endure a great many challenges and pain in public service. But there's one great reward for public service. The reward is that if you can make the lives of your children a little better for the future, then that makes it all worthwhile. To be able to receive this kind of honor also makes it very worthwhile because it is a recognition that in the end, the work that you do and the struggle you endure through thick and thin is worthwhile. A young President said, "Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your nation." And in many ways I think Dwight Eisenhower and this award recognizes that your dedication to public service and making the lives of our children better in the future is what America needs to be all about: you need to give something back to this country and to recognize that all of us have a duty to give back to a country that has given us so much.To, Togo thank you very much, and thank you for your commitment to public service and our veterans. I had the honor of serving with Togo in the Clinton administration when I was Chief of Staff to the President. I had the greatest respect for his service as the Secretary of the Army and as Secretary of Veterans' Affairs. In my current capacity as Secretary, I have even greater respect for his contribution to the country.I'd also like to thank David Abshire for putting this evening together. David, your leadership is absolutely spectacular. What you've done for the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress is a reflection of your love for the country and of your dedication to what this nation needs for the future. What greater expression of that love is there than the work of this center. I had the pleasure of meeting with the Center's Presidential Fellows before dinner. I enjoyed the opportunity to hear the dedication that they have to the work that they do and the nation. I commend your long and distinguished commitment to public service and it's reflected in the young people and in the Center. It is encouraging today to look at these people and know that someday the country will be in their hands.I had the opportunity to briefly co-chair a study at the Center on "Strengthening America's Future" and as fate would have it, I was asked by President Obama to "strengthen America's future" by becoming the Director of the CIA. And with great respect to the Center, I don't think they would have handled the operation against Osama bin Laden as effectively as the CIA did.I also want to thank my friend David Gergen for acting as the master of ceremonies tonight. David and I both worked in the Nixon Administration. I got fired. David wasn't so lucky. Both of us have seen a lot through our long careers – both good and bad – but neither of us have lost our commitment to a democracy that represents the best hope for our people. The goal of public service is public service – trying to improve the lives of our citizens. David understands that – and his forthright and honest advice to Presidents both Republican and Democrat – often collided with politics and political advisors, but not with good policy and good government.And I also want to pay tribute to Stanley Sachs, who also helped put this dinner together and for the generosity of the other donors as well. Cardinal McCarrick, I'm honored by your presence, and I have always appreciated your spiritual leadership over all the years I've been in this town.It's great to see so many other friends here this evening as well. In the 40 years that I've been in and out of Washington, I really treasure the friendships that I've made throughout those years. When I spoke to the Gridiron Dinner the other night, I told them I was honored to be at the fourth largest gathering of the veterans of the Spanish-American War. In some ways, that applies to this group. When I say, "Remember the Maine!" some of you really do.Nights like tonight remind me that many of us have been here long enough to remember when Republicans and Democrats actually worked together... I remember when Mike Mansfield and Everett Dirksen would have coffee together every morning, play golf together and work on the tough issues that faced the country. They worked together because they believed that compromise was not a dirty word, but it was how you governed the country. They worked together because they were willing to take the risks needed to solve problems. The budget was balanced because of that leadership, and governing was considered good politics, because it was. It is a sad commentary that we come together at a time when partisanship appears to be more important than statesmanship. When politics is more important than policy. When sound bites are more important than solutions. President Eisenhower would have lamented the state of the nation. Yet tonight, we celebrate him and the enduring American spirit he represents because he was always about mission and about getting the job done. And he was always about dedicating everything he did to protecting this country and improving the lives of our children for the future.It is an honor to be associated with the legacy of Dwight David Eisenhower through this award. I had the chance to meet him personally over 40 years ago at Gettysburg. For me, a former officer in the Army, it was an inspiration I'll never forget, to be able to meet one of my heroes. For those who visit my office in the Pentagon, General Eisenhower's portrait hangs above my desk and alongside it is a portrait of General George Marshall. When faced with a tough decision I can look up at him and say, "So, what the hell would you do, Ike?" The problem is, with the exception of a few nights after a scotch, he never talks back. Yet, even if I can't summon Eisenhower's ghost, I've at least been able to draw some lessons from Eisenhower's life of service and his presidency, particularly on the importance of statesmanship, of long-term strategic planning and of leadership in war and politics. He understood the importance of trust, of listening, of working with brilliant egos to capture their best thoughts and reject their worst instincts. Eisenhower's wartime experience had taught him that long-term planning was difficult to maintain because the pace of daily operations and erupting crises competed for time and attention. But careful planning was essential to successful operations. When Eisenhower assumed the Presidency, he took the lessons of war and set out to craft a long-term defense strategy for peace. Eisenhower's "Project Solarium" assembled teams of advisers to explore competing ideas and contrarian viewpoints. He wanted the existing national security policy to be challenged on its most basic assumptions. And he gave the teams a short deadline – just three months to do their work. The result of the exercise was Eisenhower's "New Look" strategy. It was a truly long-term strategy that recognized the Cold War would be a prolonged contest of competitive advantage, but one that America would eventually win. It was not perfect – no strategy is – but it was the product of genuine debate and an effort to forge consensus across the national security apparatus. As a biography I'm reading about Eisenhower explains, the new strategy embodied the essential aspects of his leadership: "compromise, patience, and conviction that time was on America's side."Eisenhower's legacy remains valuable and instructive today, because there is no question that our nation is at a strategic turning point as we wind down two wars that have consumed our military for the past decade. Even as those wars recede, we are confronted with a range of threats as complex as any this nation has faced throughout its history. We are still at war in Afghanistan, although 2011 was a turning point and thanks to John Allen we are putting a strategy in place, we will continue to face challenges there. Al Qaeda and the threat of terrorism remains real. Although its top leadership have been decimated, but terrorist groups still aim to do us harm, and they are still there, from Yemen, to Somalia, to North Africa. We face rogue nations such as Iran and North Korea who threaten global stability. There is continuing turmoil and unrest in the Middle East. We are challenged by rising powers in Asia. And new weapons, such as cyber, will change how wars are fought in the future. Cyber represents the kind of silent attack that can take down our power grid, our financial system, our governmental system, and cripple this nation.So at the same time we are facing these myriad threats, we are facing another national security threat, the long-term debt and high deficits. Congress has failed to enact a kind of comprehensive plan that is essential to addressing this kind of debt. They did, however, address the one third of the budget called discretionary spending and have promised to reduce it by over 900 billion over the next ten years. As a result, we have been required by Congress to reduce the defense budget by half a trillion dollars over the next decade. As painful as the reductions are, the Department of Defense must do its part to help America put its fiscal house in order. We do not have to choose between national security and fiscal responsibility. That's because I agree with what President Eisenhower said in his first State of the Union: "To amass military power without regard to economic capacity would be to defend ourselves against one kind of disaster by inviting another." In order to avoid either of these outcomes, and instead lay the foundation for America's continued global leadership, we have spent much of the last year at the Pentagon crafting a new defense strategy for the long-haul. In doing so, the entire leadership of the Department – the service chiefs, service secretaries, combatant commanders, and the President himself, all working together, to build the force America will need not just for today, but for tomorrow – a force for the 21st century.Our approach has been to take this fiscal crisis as an opportunity to think about how to better meet the security challenges this new century. The strategy that we have developed for the future envisions a force that is smaller and is leaner, but its great strength is that it will be agile, technologically advanced and flexible enough to confront a range of adversaries. It will be able to confront aggression anytime, anyplace.Crafting this strategy, and building this force, while meeting mandated savings targets, has required that we make tradeoffs and put our long-term interests ahead of short-term political pressures. I cannot cut the defense budget by half a trillion dollars and not have it involve pain.But that's the nature of governing. One thing that I've learned over my career is that governing requires people coming together to get things done, not to pound their fists on the table and not stand in the way, but to get the job done. Frankly, one of my greatest concerns as Secretary is the dysfunction in Washington. It threatens our security and raises questions about the capacity of our democracy to respond to crisis. But dysfunction is a political crutch – it is not a part of the American spirit.The strategy and the defense budget we have developed shows that it's still possible to forge consensus and take the long-term view at the highest levels of government. We have presented this strategy and budget to Congress. My hope is that they will work with us to implement it and ensure that we have the strong military this country needs for the future. And we cannot allow, and I'm sure that we will prevent sequestration from happening. It would double the amount of cuts, hollow out the force, and devastate our national defense. Congress needs to listen to the lessons from Eisenhower. One other important lesson we should learn from Ike is very clear: the service and sacrifice of a single generation can leave all of us a better life. We saw that after World War II with the greatest generation. It is a legacy proudly carried on by a next greatest generation of Americans who have volunteered to be sent to faraway battlefields over the last ten years. These are men and women who are willing to put their lives on the line every day. To fight, and yes, to die if necessary for their country. Surely, if this next greatest generation is willing to take the risks necessary to keep America safe, our political leadership should be willing to take the risks necessary to solve the problems facing this nation.I recently returned from Afghanistan where I visited with our troops. I was struck by how even in a tough situation, those dedicated young men and women remain intently focused on the long-term mission. Violence is down. The Taliban have been weakened. The Afghan Army is fighting alongside U.S. and ISAF forces. The transition of areas to Afghan control and security is working. We cannot allow the outrages of war to undermine the effective strategy that General Allen and his forces have put in place. The American people are tired of war, just as the Afghan people are tired of war. That is understandable, but we must summon the will to see this strategy through to success, remembering what Eisenhower once said: "Without American leadership in the search, the pursuit of a just and enduing peace is hopeless. Nowhere in the world – outside this land – is there the richness of resources, stamina, and will needed to lead what at times may be a costly and exhausting effort."Over a decade of conflict, we have been tested by tragedies, setbacks, and the hell of war itself. In the days ahead, we will be tested again and again. But we can't lose sight of why we fight – to defend our country and ensure that we will never be attacked as we were on 9/11. But most importantly, to give our children a better life.With Cardinal McCarrick and Rabbi Haberman in the audience, I'm reminded of a story I often tell of a rabbi and a priest who decided they would get to know each other better.So, one evening, they went to a boxing match, thinking that if they went to events together, they would discuss each other's religion. And just before the bell rang, one of the boxers made the sign of the cross, and the rabbi nudged the priest and said, "What does that mean?" The priest said, "It doesn't mean a damn thing if he can't fight." We bless ourselves with the hope that everything is going to be fine in this country. But very frankly, it doesn't mean a damn thing unless we are willing to fight for it, to fight for the American dream of a better life, to fight for a government of, by and for the people.Thank you, may God bless our great military, may God bless all of you, and may God bless America.
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